2 edition of Economic and Political Liberalisation (The Political Economy of the Middle East, Volume 4) found in the catalog.
|Statement||Edward Elgar Pub|
|Publishers||Edward Elgar Pub|
|LC Classifications||November 1999|
|The Physical Object|
|Pagination||xvi, 105 p. :|
|Number of Pages||56|
nodata File Size: 9MB.
Department of Defense authorization for appropriations for fiscal year 1999 and the future years defense program
Credits Source: Author, calculated from World Bank Development Indicators data. So while Gulf aid and investment is vital to the political and financial health of the region, a cohesive vision of good governance in an economy and a political system remains somewhat undefined, or at least, a work in progress.
However, results for manufacturing employment are different. 33 The negative distributional consequences of subsidies are better understood and documented: it is widely known for example that most energy subsidies are regressive in that they benefit larger and richer consumers disproportionately.
NATURAL RESOURCES AND ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION: EVIDENCE. But the more the state hovers over new opportunities, the more difficult it will be for organic growth to begin. The region needs to move fast to replace it with a more sustainable system before existing distributional structures are whittled away entirely and governments lose their room to manoeuvre in creating anything new.
7 per cent of GDP Levin, Silva, and Morgandi, 2012. 34 The staggering opportunity costs of energy subsidies are illustrated by comparing them to government capital spending and education and health budgets. This might be another legacy of authoritarian-populist state-building, in which elites saw direct state employment as a tool not only of distribution but also of reshaping and controlling society—an objective for which mundane policies like unemployment assistance and income support grants for the poor were less suited.
Among core Maghreb and Mashreq countries, Morocco stands out in having been less ambitious in both distribution and public service provision and in relying more strongly on private-driven development. 2 shows, however, public salaries represent a large share of the gross domestic product GDPwhich seems to reflect a concentration of resources on smaller cadres of better-paid public servants. But the regional reform debate touching on these issues remains disjointed, focused on individual sectoral problems, and typically apolitical.
Note: GCC countries are left out of this graph, as the large-scale presence of foreign workers in the private sector makes a direct comparison of private and public employment problematic. Resource-rich countries have been historically heavily dependent on a limited range of natural resources, mostly for export. The region would hence have much development potential if economic distortions were reduced and distributional spending leveraged so as to empower rather than segment and immobilise populations.
Section 4 presents the empirical results. She places a great significance of the development of national human capital as key for a successful and, thus, sustainable diversification process for the GCC and Singapore, whose advanced and swiftly modernised economies require a capable Volume 4) that is sufficiently skilled and experienced.
Saudi Arabia recently allowed full foreign ownership of firms, as well as firms providing in education including K-12 schools and health care. Similarly, World Bank simulations have estimated that poverty in Egypt would be cut by one-third if energy subsidies were reduced by 50 per cent and the savings used to finance a universal cash grant Sdralevich et al.
Note: GCC cases here include non-nationals. ALSHARIF Regions We finally test the heterogeneity across regions, mainly by continents, in addition to the Middle East and North Africa MENA region.